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Temple University Center for Research
in Human Development and Education |
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Ordinary Changes: The
Everyday Effectiveness Of Educational Technologies
119
by
Mary Ann T. Christie
Lesley University
Although many research reports support links between
technology and improved learning, these studies often do not
reflect the realities of everyday classroom life and are of
limited practical value to teachers (Roschelle, Pea, Hoadley,
Gordin, & Means, 2000). However, K-12 teachers who are
integrating technologies may observe ordinary changes that
reflect the realities of classroom life and the promise of
technology. This techno-brief explores everyday
effectiveness and the potential influences on learning and
academic achievement through the experience of veteran
teacher Paula Connelly and her inner-city 10th-grade science
class.
In her first
use of instructional technology, Mrs. Connelly was
integrating GenScopeÔ, a computer-based inquiry environment,
into instruction. Early observations revealed a room full of
students who had little contact with each other or the
teacher. Students gazed mostly at the floor, did not speak
to or interact with each other or the teacher, and did not
participate in class.
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Mrs. Connelly
lectured from the front of the classroom, asked questions of
no one in particular, and received no answers. When the bell
rang, the students literally fell over each other to get out
of the room.
During the
6-week period that Mrs. Connelly's students worked with
GenScopeTM,
she observed a dramatic increase in their affective, social,
and participatory behavior. Many students asked questions,
helped each other, and questioned and corrected Mrs.
Connelly on a number of occasions. These once silent and
isolated students began to call Mrs. Connelly and each other
by name, work in groups to solve problems and, to their own
astonishment and delight, present solutions to specific
genetics problems at the blackboard for the entire class.
Mrs. Connelly was quite surprised by the visible changes.
"All these years!" she sighed. "For 20 years, I have stood
at the front of that room, taught biology, and … nothing,"
referring to the lack of student participation. "And now,"
she continued, "I put them in front of the machine and they
… they come alive." Mrs. Connelly was convinced that the way
to reach her students was to actively involve them in
learning. She would take a step back and allow the students
to take a more vigorous role.
Although
teachers do not need a computer to actively engage students,
the nature of the technology often demands increased student
participation. On the one hand, the observed behavioral
changes were extraordinary to Mrs. Connelly, who was used to
greeting her silent students each day. On the other hand,
these changes were ordinary if we take a wider lens. Many
teachers and classroom-based researchers have observed
changes in student behaviors that correlate with a
technological shift in instructional context (Apple
Classrooms of Tomorrow, 1995; Christie, 1999; Collins, 1990;
Means & Olson, 1994). Indeed, technology seems to engross
students in academic work, such that the quality and
quantity of effort is noticeably improved.
For example,
rather than run at the first tone of the class bell,
students work through recess, stay after school, or plead
for a few more minutes of class time to continue their work.
Such changes in student participation, engagement, and
interest are so fundamental to learning that their value
resonates strongly with teachers, even those who have not
yet observed these behavioral shifts firsthand.
Psychological
theories of education offer a framework for understanding
these correlations. In particular, achievement motivation
theory-a classic line of research concerning affect,
behavior, and cognition-seeks to understand how to engage
the hearts and minds of students and promote adaptive
learning behaviors. Moreover, motivation theorists seek to
understand beliefs and conditions that sustain a young
child's innate love of learning, which decreases as the
child progresses through grade levels (Anderman & Maehr,
1994). For example, the belief in "agency" is a sense of
ownership and volitional control (Deci & Ryan, 1985).
Students who believe they have an active role in their
learning are more likely to develop adaptive learning
behaviors and exhibit high engagement. Students who do not
have this sense of agency tend to develop passive learning
strategies, which may facilitate withdrawal and feelings of
helplessness. Other beliefs that play a strong role in
students' behaviors include beliefs about intelligence, the
nature and purpose of learning, and academic success and
failure. Prior research in this area, conducted in
traditional instructional settings, has demonstrated that
beliefs are strong predictors of achievement-in some cases,
even stronger than prior achievement histories (Bempechat,
London, & Dweck, 1991).
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