Introduction 

Theoretical Model  

Method 

Procedure 

Analysis Plan 

Results 

Discussion 

Endnote 

References 

Figure Captions 

It has long been recognized that major stressful experiences pose as potential risks to the adequate functioning of children and families.  Stressful experiences are likely to be common occurrences for many African-American families because of their tenuous economic circumstances.  The unemployment rate for African-American workers is routinely twice that of European-Americans, and one third of African-American families and nearly one half of African-American children live below the poverty threshold (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1995).  Research has shown that economic disadvantage is a significant predictor of negative life events (Dohrewend, 1970).  Children from low income homes are more likely to experience events such as divorce and school transfer (Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, 1984).  Research has further shown that exposure to negative life events is associated with childrens' behavioral and emotional difficulties (Compas, Howell, Phares, Williams, & Guinta, 1989; Johnson, 1986).  Research examining the processes through which negative events effect children has suggested that stressful experiences effect parents' behavior and functioning, which in turn, effect children and adolescents' well-being (e.g., Conger et al., 1992; Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994; Patterson, 1983). 

Unfortunately, empirical research examining the processes by which stressful experiences effect African-American families and children is sparse.  The scarcity of research is surprising given the substantial literature and conceptual models linking stressful experiences to the parents' psychological well-being, parenting practices, and adolescents' functioning (Conger et al., 1992; Conger et al., 1994; Ge, Conger, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994; Patterson, 1983).  Work with rural, European-American families facing the down turn in the agricultural industry (Ge et al., 1994), and research with families who experienced economic hardship during the Depression (Elder, Liker, & Cross, 1984; Elder, Nguyen, & Caspi 1985) revealed that stressful experiences are associated with parents' emotional distress.  Parents' distress is, in turn, associated with harsh and punitive parenting, and harsh parenting is associated with adolescents' emotional distress. 

Because similar work has not been conducted with African-American families, the issue of whether the model applies equally well to African-American and other ethnic minority families remains an open question.  Clearly, work in this area is needed given the exposure of African-American families to stressful experiences. In the present study we examine the question of whether there are links between African-American mothers' negative stressful experiences, their psychological well being, and their parenting.  Because the study is not longitudinal in design the causal direction of the relations examined cannot be assessed. 

The limited available literature suggests that there is reason to believe that a set of relations similar to those found with European-American families exists for African-American mothers.  First, there is evidence to suggest that stressful negative experiences are associated with less adequate parenting by African-American mothers.  Daniel, Hampton, & Newberger (1983) have found that compared to nonabusive African-American mothers, abusive African-American mothers had experienced recent stressful life events.  Also, McLoyd (1990) found that among single African-American mothers, those who reported higher levels of economic deprivation used harsher methods of discipline (hitting and scolding).  Evidence has also revealed that the more that mothers reported financial strain (difficulty paying bills), the more negatively they perceived the maternal role and responsibilities (McLoyd, Jayaratne, Ceballo, & Borquez, 1994).  Also, research has shown that family poverty is associated with lower maternal supervision of adolescents' behavior (Sampson & Laub, 1994).  Presumably, mothers experiencing economic problems are also more likely to experience other stressful life events.  Thus, research indicates that negative experiences are linked to harsher and less supportive parenting among African-American mothers. 

Second, research also suggests that there is a link between the stressful events African-American mothers' experience and their psychological well-being.  Research has shown that stressors such as health or marital problems are positively associated with mothers' psychological distress (Roberts & Taylor, 1995).  In addition, assessment of the factors predicting major depression in a community sample of African-American adults revealed that there is a trend approaching statistical significance suggesting a positive association of stressful life events with levels of depression requiring clinical intervention (Brown, Feroz, Gary, Milburn, 1995).  Also, work-related stress (unemployment) is positively correlated with mothers' depressive symptomatology (McLoyd et al., 1994).  Other research has shown that chronic stressors such as neighborhood crime and neighborhood physical deterioration are positively correlated with African-American mothers' psychological distress (Roberts & Taylor, 1995). 

Finally, there is support in the literature for the link between mothers' psychological well-being and their parenting among African-American mothers.  For example, McLoyd et al., (1994) found that for single African-American mothers depressive symptomatology is positively associated with the use of aversive punishments (e.g., scolding, yelling, hitting).  Mothers' depressive symptoms are also linked to mothers' negative perceptions of the maternal role.  Research with both African-American and European-American families has also shown that mothers' emotional distress is negatively associated with positive parenting behavior (e.g., hugs, kisses, praise) and positively linked to aversive parenting (e.g., derogatory statements, threats, slaps) (Conger, McCarty, Yang, Lahey, & Kropp, 1984).  

Thus, although the literature is sparse, that which is available indicates that stressful experiences are associated with African-American mothers' parenting.  Mothers experiencing stressful events are more likely to display less affection, acceptance, and supervision, and are more likely to display aversive methods of control or discipline.  It is possible that mothers' psychological well-being serves to link stressful experiences to mothers' parenting because negative life events are positively associated with mothers' psychological distress.  African-American mothers' facing stressful experiences are more likely to report higher levels of depression.  In turn, higher maternal distress has been linked to lower supportive parenting (e.g., acceptance and affection) and higher aversive parenting (e.g., harsher discipline). 

Possible processes linking stressful experiences to mothers' psychological well-being, and mothers' psychological well-being to parenting are suggested by Hobfoll's (1989) stress model.  Hobfoll (1989) suggests that stressful experiences entail a loss or depletion of resources.  Resources may include objects (e.g., car, home) conditions (e.g., marriage, employment) personal characteristics (e.g., optimism, high self-esteem) and energies (e.g., time, money, knowledge).  In application to the present study, according to Hobfoll (1989) stressful events (e.g., death in the family, unemployment) are associated with a loss of resources (e.g., low self-esteem).  The loss or depletion of resources may mean that they are not available in other contexts (e.g., parenting).  Thus, stressful events may deplete mothers' resources and the loss of resources may limit mothers' functioning as a parent. 

Figure 1 provides the theoretical model guiding this investigation.  Based on this model, stressful events are expected to be linked to less adequate parenting by mothers, including less acceptance of their adolescents, and lower regulation of their adolescents' behavior.  We also predict that stressful events are negatively linked to mothers' psychological well-being, and thus are negatively correlated with self-esteem and positively associated with psychological distress.  We also predict that mothers' psychological well-being is associated with mothers' parenting, and thus we predict that mothers' self-esteem is positively associated with their acceptance of their adolescent and control and regulation of the adolescents' behavior.  Mothers' psychological distress is expected to be negatively correlated with their acceptance and control and regulation of behavior.  Finally, we expect that the effects of stressful events on mothers' parenting are mediated by the association of stressful events with mothers' psychological well-being. 

Participants were 79 African-American mothers of adolescents attending high school at the time of the study.  The data are part of a larger study on family relations and the adjustment and competence of African-American adolescents.  Only data from mother's are included in this report.  Forty-four of the mothers were single parents, and 35 were living in two-parent households.  Mothers in one-parent homes had no partner living in the home.  Two-parent homes consisted of families in which either both biological parents were present or a biological parent and a stepparent.  Mothers in one-parent households were on average 37.63 years, while mothers in two-parent homes averaged 41.34 years.  Mothers in one-parent households had on average 2.41 children, while mothers in two-parents homes had 3.42 children.  In all homes at least one of the children was an adolescent.  Mothers in one-parent homes had completed an average of 12.84 years of school, while mothers in two-parent homes averaged 13.25 years of schooling.  Mothers in one-parent homes had incomes which on average ranged from $10,000 to $15,000.  The incomes of mothers in two-parent homes ranged from $20,000 to $25,000. 

The recruitment of families for participation in the investigation involved solicitation at recreation centers, local markets, social services agencies, and through newspaper advertisements.  The nature of the project was discussed with officials at the centers and agencies.  Fliers were posted at the centers and agencies announcing the study.  When it was possible, times were arranged to make formal presentations of the study to groups of potential participants.  Research staff with experience in recruitment went to local markets to hand out fliers and schedule times for families to participate.  The centers, agencies, and markets at which recruitment took place were selected because they served an economically diverse clientele of African-American families.  Families were paid for their participation.  Approximately 70% of those families initially contacted completed interviews. 

Measures 

Stressful life events. Stressful life events were measured with Psychiatric Epidemiology Research Interview (PERI) Life Events Scale (Dohrenwend, Krasnoff, Askenasy, & Dohrenwend, 1978).  In the questionnaire mothers were asked to indicate whether any of 35 different events happened to them or a family member in the past year.  A factor analysis of the measure was used to identify items forming scales in four areas, Family Disruption, Work-related Stress, Health Problems, Relationship Problems. 

Events in the area of family disruption (7 items; alpha = .77) concerned areas of difficulty or problems in the nuclear family, such as a death in the family, family arguments, family moving to a new residence. Events in the area of work-related stress (5 items; alpha = .77) concerned stress associated with work such as trouble on the job.  Events in the area of health problems (5 items; alpha = .73) concerned the experience of illnesses or other health problems or physical conditions such as an injury, an accident, or an improperly treated physical illness.  Events in the area of relationship problems (9 items; alpha = .74) concerned negative changes or difficulties with a spouse or significant other, for mothers in one-parent homes, such as a break up or separation.   The total score for each of the event types is the sum total of the affirmative responses (1= yes, 0= no) for events in the cluster. 

Psychological well-being.  Mothers' psychological well-being was assessed in the areas of psychological distress and self-esteem.  Psychological distress (20 items; alpha = .81) was assessed using the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977).  For this measure the mothers reported the frequency of mental or physical states such as feelings of depression or loss of appetite, etc., over the past month.  The Likert-response scale for the measure ranged from 4 (three or more times) to 1 (never).  Self-esteem (10 items; alpha = .86) was assessed with the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965).  This scale, which has been widely used with adults, assesses the self-acceptance component of self-esteem (sample question: "I feel that I have a number of good qualities").  The response format for the measure is a Likert-response scale ranging from 4 (strongly agree) to 1 (strongly disagree). 

Parenting behavior. Parenting behavior (30 items) was assessed using the revised short form of the Child's Report of Parent Behavior Inventory (CRPBI) (Schludermann & Schludermann, 1970).  This measure assesses three aspects of maternal disciplinary practices: acceptance, lax control (vs. firm control), and psychological control (vs. psychological autonomy).  The CRPBI is a widely used Likert-scale format, self-report measure of adolescents' assessment of the parent's discipline practices.  A version of the scale also measures parents' report of their disciplinary practices used in rearing their adolescent.  The mothers used the version for parents to report on their parenting practices. The Psychological Control subscale was not included in the analyses because past research (e.g., Taylor, Casten, & Flickinger, 1993) has shown that the measure has little relationship to adolescent adjustment for African-American adolescents. 

The Acceptance subscale (10 items; alpha = .71) assessed the mother's perceptions of maternal closeness and acceptance of the adolescent.  The Lax Control subscale (10 items; alpha = .74) consisted of questions on mothers' supervision and regulation of the adolescent's behavior.  The measure of Lax Control was coded so that high scores represent the extent to which mothers exerted Firm Control over the adolescents' behavior. 

All of the measures used have been employed in research with African-American families and have acceptable reliability scores (Roberts & Taylor, 1995).  Reliability scores for the present sample appear with the description of the measures. 
 

The interviews were conducted in the mothers' home by an interviewer trained in the administration of the measures.  Interviews were conducted in a private area of the home and took approximately 1 hour to complete. 
 

Recursive path analysis estimated by ordinary least squares regression was used to test the conceptual model shown in Figure 1.  For each of the variables path coefficients were estimated using a series of multiple regression equations.  Across all analyses shown in Figures 2-5, the criterion variables were regressed on all variables with arrows leading to the criterion variable.  This procedure was followed for each of the separate criterion variables.  The demographic factors of age, education, income, and family structure were included in analyses to examine and control for their effects. 

Baron and Kenney's (1986) recommendations for assessing mediator effects were used in the analyses.  According to Baron and Kenney, mediational effects are apparent when there is evidence that (a) the predictor variable (e.g., stressful life event) is significantly associated with the criterion variable (e.g., parenting); (b) the predictor variable and proposed mediator (e.g., maternal well-being) are significantly related; (c) the mediator and criterion variable are significantly associated; and (d) controlling for the effects of the mediator variable reduces the association of the predictor and criterion variables, while the association of the mediator and criterion variables remains. 

The means, standard deviations, and correlations of the major variables are presented in Table 1.  Descriptive analyses revealed that the families had on average experienced 10 of the 17 stressful events assessed.  The most common events were illness and arguments with either family members or a spouse or significant other.  The stressful events were moderately correlated suggesting that while they measured somewhat overlapping areas, they mainly assessed independent domains.  The parenting measures were unrelated indicating that they measured independent areas. 

There were few effects of the demographic measures.  The notable exceptions were that younger mothers were less firm in controlling their adolescents' behavior than older mothers.  Also, older mothers had completed more schooling than younger mothers.  Mothers in two-parent families reported more relationship problems and higher psychological distress than mothers in one-parent homes.  Finally, mothers with more years of schooling had higher incomes than mothers will less schooling. 

Stressful Events and Mothers' Parenting Behavior  

The first step in assessing the mediation of the association of stressful events with mothers' parenting was to examine the relationship between the measures of stressful events and the indices of mothers' parenting.  The results shown in Figure 2 reveal that family disruption was negatively associated with mothers' acceptance (beta = -.44, p < .05).  Family disruption was also positively associated with mothers' firm control of behavior (beta = .55, p < .01).  Also, work-related stress was negatively associated with acceptance (beta = -.43, p < .05). 

Stressful Events and Mothers' Psychological Well-Being  

The second step in assessing the mediation of the association of stressful events with mothers' parenting was to examine the association of stressful events with mothers' psychological well-being.  These findings are shown in Figure 3 and reveal that family disruption was negatively associated with mothers' self-esteem (beta = -.43, p < .05).  Work-related stress was negatively associated with mothers' self-esteem (beta = -.36, p < .03).  Also, mothers' health problems were positively associated with psychological distress (beta = .54, p < .001). 

Mothers' Psychological Well-Being and Parenting  

The third step in assessing the mediation of the relationship of stressful events with mothers' parenting was to assess the link between mothers' psychological well-being and their parenting.  These results are shown in Figure 4 and indicate that mothers' self-esteem was positively associated with mothers' acceptance (beta = .46, p < .001).  Also, mothers' self-esteem was negatively associated with mothers' firm control (beta = -.25, p < .05). 

Mediational Effects  

The final step in assessing the mediation of the association of stressful events with mothers' parenting was to examine the link between stressful events and parenting, when controlling for the effects of mothers' psychological well-being.  These findings are shown in Figure 5.  Evidence in support of mediation also requires that mothers' psychological well-being remain significantly associated with mothers' parenting when stressful life events are controlled.  Evidence of mediation emerged for one of the measures of mothers' parenting.  Specifically, the association of family disruption with mothers' acceptance (beta = -.44) was no longer apparent when the effect of mothers' self-esteem was controlled (beta = -.17).  Psychological distress cannot be a mediator of the association because psychological distress was unrelated to mothers' parenting. 

Also, the significant negative relation of work-related problems with mothers' acceptance (beta = -.43) was no longer apparent when the effect of self-esteem was controlled (beta = -.16).  With the measures of stressful events controlled self-esteem remained significantly associated with mothers' acceptance (beta = .41, p < .001).  Also, no evidence of mediation was found in the relation of family disruption with mothers' firm control.  The significant association of family disruption with mothers' firm control (beta = .55) was still apparent with the effect of self-esteem controlled (beta = .50). 

Summary 

Findings indicate that stress in the areas of family disruption and work-related problems are associated with lower maternal acceptance.  Family disruption is also positively associated with mothers' firm control of behavior.  Family disruption and work-related stress are also negatively associated with mothers' self-esteem.  In addition, stress in the area of health problems is positively related to mothers' psychological distress.  Mothers' self-esteem is positively associated with mothers' acceptance and negatively associated with firm control.  Finally, the effects of family disruption and work-related stress on mothers' acceptance are mediated by mothers' self-esteem.  Specifically, when the effects of self-esteem were controlled the significant effects of family disruption and work-related stress on mothers' acceptance of the adolescent were no longer apparent. 

Also, the results revealed that family disruption and work-related stress are associated with a decrease in mothers' self-esteem.  Mothers' health-related problems are associated with increased psychological distress.  These findings also are consistent with past research showing that stressful experiences are negatively associated with mothers' psychological well-being (McLoyd et al., 1994; Roberts & Taylor, 1995). These findings build on past results because they show that not only are mothers more depressed in the face of stressful events, but they also tend to evaluate themselves negatively when they are exposed to negative life events.  These findings are also consistent with the work of Hobfoll (1989), who suggests that stressful experiences may deplete individuals' resources.  In this case, stressors may diminish mothers' positive views of themselves. 

Findings also revealed that mothers' self-esteem is positively related to their acceptance of their adolescents. This finding is consistent with past research showing that negative changes in mothers' psychological well-being are associated with less adequate parenting (Conger et al., 1984; McLoyd et al., 1994).  Results also indicated that mothers' self-esteem was negatively associated with their firm control of behavior.  This finding was not expected and is not consistent with past studies and may be an anomaly associated exclusively with the present sample.  It is also possible that more effective parenting of adolescents involves extending them more freedom and reducing the regulation of their behavior.  Mothers who evaluate themselves in a more positive manner may be able to manage this task more effectively than mothers low in self-esteem.  Mothers with low self-esteem may have less resources to manage the task of knowing how and when to extend adolescents' autonomy. 

Finally, the findings also provide evidence of the mediational effect of mothers' psychological well-being in the association of stressful events with mothers' parenting.  Increased stress in the areas of family disruption and work problems are negatively associated with mothers' self-esteem, which in turn, is significantly associated with mothers' acceptance.  These findings suggest that as mothers' stress increases their self-esteem decreases, and lower self-esteem is associated with lower maternal acceptance.  These findings are consistent with past research (Conger et al., 1994; McLoyd et al., 1994).  It is possible as Hobfoll (1989) suggests that stressful experiences deplete mothers' resources, in this case diminishing their positive self-esteem.  Mothers who develop negative views of themselves may also have less capacity to engage in behaviors beneficial to their children. 

There are a number of limitations which should be considered in the interpretation of these findings.  First, because of the small size of the sample, the regression coefficients may be less precise than they would be had the sample been larger.  The small sample size does not however invalidate the coefficients but indeed, makes the detection of significant effects more difficult.  The present study provides groundwork for a larger investigation of the stressors facing African-American families and the effects on parents and children. 

Second, with regard to the sample, although there were no readily apparent features of the sample which would distinguish them from other urban, African-American families, the participants were not a random sample and caution should be taken in generalizing these findings to other urban, African-American families.  Also, these findings may not be generalizable to African-American families living in settings other than urban areas. 

Third, the report relies upon the self-report of mothers and adolescents.  It is possible that because mothers were the only source of data, significant relations found were the result of shard method variance involved in the measures.  Specifically, significant associations may be due to the fact that the measures were comprised of questionnaires completed by mothers as the single respondents.  The findings would be more firmly established with additional informants and additional methods of data collection. 

Finally, the relationships found are correlational in nature and as such tell us little about causation.  It is possible for example, that mothers' low self-esteem increases the likelihood that they will experience stressful life events, rather than the reverse.  Also, it is possible that mothers' self-esteem prior to the onset of stressful events determines the nature of their response.  Longitudinal research in which all of the measures are assessed at several points would be helpful in assessing the nature of the relation of the variables, including the causal direction of the relations. 

Additional research is needed on variables which moderate the effects of stressful experiences on African-American mothers.  For example, it may be that social support in mothers' extended family or within the community helps offset some of the negative influences of stressful events.  Indeed, it is possible that mothers in one- and two-parent homes in the present study were more similar than different in their report of stressful experiences because both groups had available an extended family network to buffer them from stressful experiences.  Also, it seems likely that having a supportive spouse or significant other who is actively involved in parenting may moderate the impact of negative events.  Clearly, additional work is needed on African-American fathers, including research examining the effects of stressors on fathers' well-being and parenting. 

Recent and impending social policies aimed at changing the conditions and behavior of economically disadvantaged families will affect significant numbers of African-American families.  Regardless of the ultimate outcome of the policies, in the short run they are likely to intensify already stressful conditions.  Our findings suggest that policies which either directly or indirectly negatively affect mothers' work, family stability, and health care issues are likely to negatively affect mothers' well-being and to some extent, the quality of their family life.  Therefore, it is imperative that research examine the ways in which the impact of stressful experiences on families can be moderated in order to identify points and places appropriate for work at prevention and intervention. 

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Figure 1.  Conceptual model of the linkages of stressful life events with mothers' parenting. 

Figure 2.  Association of stressful life events with mothers' acceptance of their adolescent and control and regulation of the adolescents' behavior.  Standardized regression coefficients are displayed on each path with corresponding p values in parentheses.  Only significant paths are shown. 

Figure 3.  Association of stressful life events with mothers' self-esteem and psychological distress.  Standardized regression coefficients are displayed on each path with corresponding p values in parentheses.  Only significant paths are shown. 

Figure 4.  Association of mothers' acceptance and control of adolescents' behavior with mothers' self-esteem and psychological distress.  Standardized regression coefficients are displayed on each path with corresponding p values in parentheses.  Only significant paths are shown. 

Figure 5.  Mediational role of mothers' self-esteem and psychological distress in the linkage of stressful life events with mothers' acceptance of their adolescent and control of the adolescents' behavior.  Standardized regression coefficients are displayed on each path with corresponding p values in parentheses.  Only significant paths are shown.