Inventing and Invoking Tradition in Holocaust Memorials (Page 2)
Memorializing the Holocaust in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania
The experience with Oswiecim memorialization was fresh in my mind
when I was called by the Jewish Community Center of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania,
in 1992 to help with something of a social problem. In light of publicity given to
the U.S. Holocaust Museum, a group of survivors that had lived for many years
in Harrisburg pressed for a local memorial. Specifically, three survivors, all who
had experience in public life, hatched the project to build a conspicuous memorial
and museum to the Holocaust by the Jewish Community Center. The two oldest of
the group had vivid memories of Auschwitz and were frequently called to talk to
area students. The youngest was involved politically in the city. I was called
because I seemed reasonable to the Community Center board; while board
members were careful to honor the survivors, they generally found them
unreasonably grand in their request. New resources for the community were
scarce and the board had plans underway to renovate the Center. The rabbis in
the city appeared cool to the project and their education initiatives were oriented
toward Israel.
I soon realized the difficult situation I had agreed to. Board members
appealed to my professional sense by making appointments and addressing me as
Dr. Bronner, while survivors called me on the phone and hailed me as "Shimele,"
dimunitive, intimate form of my name in Yiddish, ordinarily used in discourse
between a parent and child. I organized a committee with representation from the
survivors and other segments of the Jewish community. The committee generated
discussion of the meaning--its sense of being-- that the memorial held. For the
survivors, the project legitimized their experience in the community. Yet it
became clear that the group was not unified. One prominent survivor wanted to
memorialize the Holocaust with educational activities, but she was overruled with
the opinion that the memory of the event required a physical thing to spark
remembrance. An orthodox rabbi hoped for an object of prayer, while younger
members of the committee insisted on a public structure that spoke to the human
lessons of the Holocaust beyond the impact on Jews. Representatives of the
Yeshivah hoped for a museum or educational program aimed at youth. The
survivors steered the committee toward a focus on the memorial idea to
perpetuate their presence in Harrisburg as much as to educate about the
Holocaust. The Center announced a competition for designs with a budget limit of
$100,000.
The choice came down to a stark representation of concentration camp
pillars and a more abstract design of silver shafts surrounded by barbed wire.
The group was divided. The survivors and rabbi preferred the harshness of the
pillars while younger members of the committee liked the abstraction of the
Holocaust in the second design. The survivors wanted a place to mourn death and
a lost world, while others hoped for a sign of life and progress. As chair of the
group, I suggested alterations of the second design to include historical
information and the remembrance theme on the black stones surrounding the
pillar. To compensate for this extra material, cascading water and eternal
light dropped out to bring the project under budget. The idea narrowly passed
and we had a design with multiple meanings. The artist's explanation of the
sculpture's meaning failed to make an impression. In his words, "The element of
'Hope' is conveyed in the manner in which the stainless steel core reaches above
the strangle hold of the Nazi 'snake.' It continues to grow and shows the
redemptive hopes and the rebirth of the Jewish people through the establishment
of the State of Israel, and the maintenance of 'Jewish Identity' and Jewish survival
in the diaspora." To the contrary, the design seemed widely acceptable because
of its lack of direct reference to Israel or Diaspora.
When the committee made inquiries to the city about a location for the
monument, the response was to move the structure closer to downtown along the
Susquehanna River where other memorials to fire fighters and war veterans
stood. The mayor offered his support to the project as part of enhancing the
attractiveness of the river view. He publicly opined, "The need for this memorial
could not have been fulfilled were it placed at the Jewish Community Center or
some other more private place. This is a memorial that must belong to all, should
be seen by all, should be understood by all. From this park, we can see upon a
river, a river that has been a constant thread, a common link, from generation to
generation, from one era to the next." His statement raised additional discussion
within the Jewish community about the public component of the project.
The Board became more enthusiastic about a project that would make the
community more visible within the city. The survivors weren't so sure, and they
had something to point to when hearings at City Hall raised objections that spilled
over into the letters to the editor of the city daily. Gay rights advocates protested
that the memorial left out persecution of homosexuals, and some
African-American spokespersons used the occasion to complain of the lack of
historic markers honoring African Americans in the city. In response, designers
of the memorial shifted the justification for the memorial to honoring survivors
of the Holocaust who had settled in the city, much as the nearby war memorials
honored soldiers from Harrisburg. The wording also changed to recognize that
Jews were the "primary" victims and the intent of the memorial was to warn
against "racism and prejudice" wherever it is found. At that point, Kurt Moses,
the leader of the survivors group called for a reconsideration of Jewish
Community Center support for the memorial, but the president of the
Community Center continued to press for the memorial as a civic project. The
survivors complained to me that they had lost control not just of the location of
the memorial, but the representation of their experience.
A serious threat to construction of the memorial occurred when
environmentalists questioned whether more memorials belonged on the riverside.
They opposed the project in Council, complaining that the river, a natural
wonder, was becoming obstructed by too many memorials. The natural space in
their view had become industrialized by memorials rather than factories. The
City Council agreed to halt permits for memorials after the Holocaust structure
was completed. Publicly relieved that the city supported the project,
representatives of the memorial project privately fretted about undertones of
anti-Semitism in opposition to the project.
A site was eventually prepared north of existing memorials, a location that
placed it closest to city synagogues and away from the city center. The rabbis
became more involved as plans were made for the groundbreaking. "A Song for
Ascents," Psalm 121, became the theme for the event and the closing was a
cantor's rendition of "God Bless America." The keynote speech was given by the
Mayor. While survivors were given seats of honor toward the front, they were
not accorded time at the podium. After the event, Kurt Moses complained to the
Holocaust Education Committee about the management of the program, especially
when press releases issued for the event did not recognize the survivors'
involvement in the original concept of the memorial. As the structure came closer
to completion, survivors hoped to give the site a sense of the sacred and offer
themselves a moment to be heard. The Holocaust Education Committee arranged
for a more elaborate ceremony to consecrate the structure. Two rabbis were
given time to give remarks, followed by a statement from Kurt Moses. The
survivors then stepped en masse to the sculpture to unveil it much as one would
uncover a gravestone in Jewish tradition. The ceremony closed with a cantor's
rendition of "El Molay Rahamim" (God Full of Mercy).
The site has since only been used for an annual ceremony sponsored by the
Jewish community on Yom Hashoah, a Jewish day of remembrance for the
Holocaust in April. It attracts little notice in the press and has not become a center
for reflection its designers had hoped for. It nonetheless turns a few head from
passersby in any day, more so from my observation than nearby statues for
firefighters and soldiers. Park officials often have to chase skateboarders from
the site, and other passersby use its seats to view the river. Its significance has
been greatest to the survivors who gained recognition for their participation in
their adopted community. Many in the survivors group still felt dissatisfaction
with the memorial standing away from the Jewish community, and partly in
response, Kurt Moses helped organize an annual Kristalnacht commemoration by
the survivor group in November featuring the lighting of candles at the Jewish
Community Center.
Memorials to the Holocaust have become especially symbolic of resolving
the meaning of survival from guilt to triumph, from the unfathomable to the
comprehensible. It is part of the reason that many Holocaust memorials offer
more resistance to our senses than other monuments in the landscape of
remembrance. It is also a reason why designing the meanings to be imparted
presents more of a challenge for viewers and creators; there seem to be few
givens beyond some recurrent motifs of barbed wire and Jerusalem stone.
Ritualizing and Traditionalizing Memorials
The appeal to sacred tradition in Oswiecim's graveyard memorial
debatably created a collective, if private, understanding of its meaning, although
its distance created a problem of alienation from the action of mourning centered
on a site. The memorial in Harrisburg lacked this communal aspect, but it
provided a backdrop for occasional performance of identity in a multiethnic city.
Indeed, Harrisburg's memorial needed signs to inform what it was about; it
needed confirmation of its Holocaust reference. Oswiecim's did not; it relied on
memory of response to a long series of past tragedies. Harrisburg's reinforced
the singularity of an event in organizing the future. In fact, it took on more
organizational ways of creating the object, whereas Oswiecim's was more
communal, and in many cases personalized. The tales of these two cities, and
their memorials, are sketches of the varieties of Holocaust landscapes that have
emerged with increasing frequency during the 1990s.
Why so many Holocaust memorials during the 1990s? The period is the
great decade of memorials for the events of World War II. With the fiftieth
anniversary of the end of the war, a milestone has been passed that prompted
many institutions to reflect on history. In the wake of Vietnam, and the rise of
human rights rhetoric, a new sensitivity within America is evident in
memorialization that recognizes victims. The thinning of Holocaust survivor
ranks added an emotional element to the proceedings. The memorials were their
preview of their own funerals and markers that their struggle to overcome
adversity and come to the United State mattered. Many of the memorials reflect
less on the past than the announcement of triumph over history. The
future-directed spires and upward reaching hands are among the most common
symbols of public vindication, but I suspect that efforts will increasingly turn
from markers to museums.
The realization of multiple, contested meanings of the monuments for the
survivors, American-born Jews, environmentalists, homosexuals, and politicians
has caused some shift from the emphasis of memorialization to museums and
education programs that leave less of the lessons open to interpretation. One
strongly worded editorial in the New Jersey Standard in 1998 called memorials
and museums the "latest Jewish Battlegrounds." It asked whether the "craze"
toward memorialization "isn't . . . a bit of idol worship with big-giver egomania
thrown in for good measure?" (Tobin 1998, 49) It argued, "Rather than looking
to monuments or statues to commemorate the Holocaust or to celebrate our
community history, let us instead invest in our children and their education." If
we must choose--as I fear we must--between schools and museums, then let the
choice be for Jewish education." (Tobin 1998, 49)
The monument-building will continue while a need is felt to tangibly
provide an inspiring edifice to bridge the distance between the socially troubled
present and hidden atrocious past, to lay to rest through ritual and tradition the
memory of many ancestors not given burial, and to belatedly announce the
arrival and triumph of survivors. Moving from private to public purpose,
traditionalizing of memorials has widened the meaning of Holocaust markers for
a late-twentieth-century social vision. During the 1990s, the Holocaust memorials
have been instrumental in bringing out before the public the wider discourse of
human rights and ethnic pluralism set against the integrity of nation-states.
Harrisburg's memorial had this meaning ascribed to it, but it arguably was not
successful in having this message conveyed, maybe because the public traditions
surrounding it were not convincing. The invention of Oswiecim's memorial
invoked more continuity with the historical precedent of Jewish tradition, but the
loss of community made it inaccessible as a ritual location.
As types of parables, objects made and used are not meant to be understood
by all. The morals of the objects may come from connection to other objects and
persons, and its perceived location in tradition. The marker is artificial, fictional
and true like the parable, and equally designed to persuade and hold emotional as
well as practical meaning. It is formed from customary modes of life we may
analyze and compare as praxis. It has a presence that causes response and
resistance. It announces its meaning in the ways that people act toward it and the
manner in which it is performed, traditionalized, and ritualized. The degree of
influence people bring to object or that objects hold over people in these scenes
may be less the issue than the process of transformation that turns ideas into
icons.
REFERENCES
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