New Directions in Folklore 4.1: March, 2000
Newfolk :: NDiF :: Archive :: Issue 4.1 :: Page 1 :: Appendix

Folklore and the Rise of Moderation
Among Organized Skeptics

Stephanie A. Hall

A version of this paper was presented at the 1999 Annual Meeting of the American Folkore Society in Memphis Tennessee.

Appended to this paper is a page of Selected Web Sites Related to Organized Skepticism so that the reader may explore this subject further.

At a spring 1998 workshop held by the National Capitol Area Skeptics at Solomon's Island Maryland, the focus was on representing skepticism to the public through lobbying, writing, and challenging scientifically problematic claims. In one presentation, Chip Denman, a statistician at the University of Maryland and a founding member of this Washington, DC area Skeptics group, demonstrated a fascinating device with multicolored flashing lights that purported to be capable of showing if someone is telling the truth by detecting signs of stress in their voice. If the lights flashed more on the green and yellow end of the series of flashing lights, then the person was telling the truth, if more red lights flashed, then the person was lying.

After Chip's presentation, the participants broke up into several groups to discuss ways of testing the device to see if the product claims were accurate. The group I was in was amused to find that the lights flashed red when a man with a baritone voice read the specifications of the device out loud, indicating that he was lying. We came up with several possible ways to test the validity of those specifications, all of which would take a good deal of time. But another group developed a plan for testing the device that they could try immediately. Paul Jaffe, a recent graduate of the University of Maryland, explained that their group had discussed ways to induce stress to test whether the device registered vocal differences between speech with and without a stressful stimulus. The problem was to come up with a method of inducing stress in a subject ethically, and Paul announced that the group had come up with just such a method. With no further explanation, Paul went back to the back of the meeting room and noisily filled a large pitcher with ice.

Suddenly one of the participants, Jamy Ian Swiss, stood up and shouted "Run for your lives! It's science!" Everybody laughed and nobody ran.1

Paul called for volunteers, still without further explication of his plan, and recruited three slightly reluctant subjects, and a panel of judges to determine the results. He proceeded to ask some simple questions of each subject, and then ask the same questions again while holding the ice- filled pitcher over their heads. At the end of the experiment the judges found that the device had shown a difference between the stressed and unstressed speech, but only a very slight difference.2

The Research

I became interested in organized skepticism after becoming aware of some encounters between folklorists and Skeptics, and I became more intrigued as I saw the variety of lively debate among Skeptics about issues of science and belief. But is a group formed to promote science and reason and to challenge claims of the supernatural and the paranormal an appropriate subject for folklore research? It was about the time that Paul Jaffe was holding a pitcher of ice over a fellow Skeptic's head in order to ethically induce stress that I decided that there is indeed a great deal for folklorists to learn from the study of organized skepticism. At the very least, perhaps, I can debunk the rumor that Skeptics lack a sense of humor!

Another aspect of organized skepticism that interested me early in my research was the analysis of skeptical expression by Skeptics themselves. In particular, Mike Sofka of the Inquiring Skeptics of Upper New York has written an article on "The Myths of Skepticism" that examines and critiques some of the underlying assumptions common among Skeptics, demonstrating that there are Skeptics interested in asking questions like "who are Skeptics?" and "what convictions or beliefs do Skeptics share?" in much the same way as an ethnographer would ask these questions. 3

My ethnographic research is still in its early stages, but at this point I feel it may be useful to gather feedback from my colleagues in folklore and from Skeptics. During the past two years I have read widely in Skeptic publications, visited lectures and events held by the National Capital Area Skeptics (NCAS), a group with about 200 members that was founded in 1987. I made one visit to the Inquiring Skeptics of Upper New York (ISUNY), a smaller group in Albany founded in 1994. I have also participated in the Skeptics Listserv and explored Web sites and online presentations by Skeptic groups. I plan to focus on local groups, where the grass-roots work of recruiting members of this movement takes place.

This fall I distributed a questionnaire to members of NCAS and ISUNY focused on gathering information about occupational, educational, and religious or philsophical background of members. In the future I hope to survey and visit other local groups to learn more about the kinds of people attracted to skeptic groups and variation between groups. Copies of questionnaires collected for each group will be given to that group for their use. I plan another paper that will discuss the findings of this questionnaire.

Based on ethnographic observation, organized skeptics are comprised of adults of all ages, are mainly white, and tend to be well-educated. In the past members of skeptic groups have expressed concern that most skeptics tended to be men, and stratagized about how skeptic groups might be made more attractive to women members. But the two groups I visited have a good many actively participating women members, so perhaps skeptic groups are becoming more successful in recruiting women. The preliminary results of the survey of NCAS support these observations. With responses representing over one-third of the group, the ages ranged from 27-87, the average member had a Master's degree, and one quarter of the respondants were women.

Brief History of the Skeptics Movement

Organized skepticism began in 1976 with the founding of the Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal (CSICOP), headquartered in Buffalo, New York. Several of the founders, including philosopher Paul Kurtz were part of what was then a movement within Humanism called Secular Humanism. Secular Humanism, which asserts that atheism is secular and is a view that scientific evidence tends to support, broke with the American Humanist Association in 1980 and formed the Council for Secular Humanism.4 Because Paul Kurtz chairs both the Council for Secular Humanism and CSICOP, many books and articles published about skepticism have emphasized the relationship between these two movements. But from its beginnings, organized skepticism has been influenced by members with various philosophies and ideas, and this variety is still very much apparent in the expressions of organized skepticism today.

CSICOP and it's journal Skeptical Inquirer have inspired the creation of numerous local Skeptic and rationalist groups in many parts of the United States, and in other countries. One local group, the Skeptics Society in Pasadena, California, has launched a nationally distributed magazine, The Skeptic, so currently there are two journals for skepticism in the United States. Internationally, organized skepticism is most prevalent in English-speaking countries, but the movement has spread world-wide. One important point about all these groups is that there is no formal affiliation between US local or other national Skeptic groups and CSICOP. Affiliation between US local groups and CSICOP has been discussed in the past, but never occured. Also, while CSICOP recruits scholars and wealthy patrons as invited members, the local groups must build membership in the same way as any small special interest groups: recruiting members through interest in their events and publications. So individual groups chart their own course.

Goals of the Skeptics Movement

The focus of organized skepticism is said to be challenging claims of the supernatural and paranormal, exposing scams, frauds, and hoaxes, and promoting critical thinking. Skeptic groups typically host eight to ten lectures per year during the fall, winter, and spring, open to the public, as well as informal events for members. Some larger groups, such as NCAS, also host larger weekend meetings from time to time, designed to attract skeptics from other areas. Skeptics write articles for Skeptic and popular science publications and author books on a variety of subjects. Skeptics may also lobby the government and the media on issues of importance to them, and some Skeptics make television or radio appearances. As you may see from the example I have just given, Skeptics may delve into many topics in addition to those considered central. For some NCAS Skeptics, actual product testing is an extension of skeptical interest in debunking frauds. Issues related to the year-2000 bug have been a focus of interest of both NCAS and the ISUNY in the past year (1999). General science topics of interest also appear in Skeptic group's lecture series. This September, NCAS hosted an entertaining presentation of Mathematical "magic," by math whiz Arthur Benjamin, at the University of Maryland that attracted many non-members including quite a few parents with children.

Variation and Change Among Skeptics

Skeptics have a variety of approaches to skepticism and describe themselves in several ways. Skeptics that take a philosophical position of strong disbelief in certain subjects sometimes call themselves "Hard Skeptics." These Skeptics may best be described as coming from an "I'm from Missouri" school that demands strong proof of claims in the paranormal or supernatural. Hard Skeptics often cite magician James Randi, philosopher Paul Kurtz, and/or mathematician Martin Gardner, all founders of CSICOP, as examples of their stance on skepticism. Skeptics who sometimes describe themselves as "Skeptics in the tradition of Carl Sagan" take the view that agnosticism is the right approach to certain issues when clear proof one way or the other is not available. Mike Sofka, of the ISUNY skeptics has called this "scientific skepticism" because it presents the scientifically neutral position to issues that are neither proved nor disproved.5 Marcello Truzzi, a sociologist who helped found CSICOP and edited its early journal, calls this "true skepticism" because it adheres to the standard definition of skepticism meaning "doubt." For Truzzi, this issue of skepticism as disbelief vs. skepticism as doubt was one of the reasons he parted company with CSICOP in its early years. 6

Although this description of "two kinds of Skeptics" may sound simple, it is not. For some, what is being argued are issues of personal belief. For others, performance style may be the primary issue. For instance, some Skeptics may advocate the emotional and confrontational rhetoric they call "rants" or "tirades" while others prefer a more academic style of presentation. Clearly there are more kinds of Skeptic than two. For example, many "Hard Skeptics" may be atheist or agnostic. But some may point to the example of Martin Gardner, a theist Skeptic, as evidence that one can be a Hard Skeptic and still hold a belief in God. I have found that an important principle to keep in mind is that free thinkers will think freely. Although Skeptics sometimes joke about "The Skeptic's Manual" and some may feel that there are certain works that all Skeptics should read, there is no manual and no absolute agreement on what "skepticism" means, or what ideas all Skeptics should believe or disbelieve. Individuals are free to make up their own minds. 7

One ongoing debate within skepticism is the scope of the claims they challenge. The example given by CSICOP and its publications is not clear as to the boundaries of their inquiry. Articles and books on topics such as divination, ghosts, UFOs, and psychic ability are the expected fare. But at various times CSICOP publications have attacked feminism, religion, the discipline of psychology excepting behaviorism, the discipline of anthropology, and various works of fiction. These critical views on topics outside the stated focus of skepticism have provoked debate among members of Skeptic groups. The criticism of feminism, for example, came at a time when Skeptic groups were trying to recruit more women members. Complaints have been taken to heart, and now, if an article critical of feminist philosophy appears in Skeptical Inquirer at all, it is likely to be written by a woman. Skeptics have repeatedly criticized CSICOP's penchant for debunking fiction. Its long-running attack on the X-Files is particularly divisive, since many Skeptics are fans of the show. Because some Skeptics watch the program, they are also aware of glaring mistakes in some reviews published by CSICOP, and express the feeling that if fiction is to be criticized at all, the criticism should at least be accurate. Others express concern that shows such as the X-Files promote negative views of science and perpetuate unscientific ideas. They argue that science should be presented in a manner that promotes a positive view of science and scientists, even in fictional television, since fictional television may be a powerful medium for getting that message accross.

Skeptical attitudes towards religion are important as well. Most local groups now state, informally or formally, that the belief or disbelief in God is not an issue appropriate to their forum. In its literature, NCAS specifies that it does not deal with topics that are beyond scientific proof, such as the existence or non-existence of God. This makes it clear that NCAS is not a Secular Humanist organization, though Secular Humanist members are welcome. ISUNY makes no formal statement concerning religion, but accepts people of all beliefs. It is an example of a Skeptic group that had no Secular Humanists among its founding members, though again, if they wish to join they are welcome.

In 1997 Paul Kurtz called a joint meeting of leaders of Skeptic and Secular Humanist groups in Buffalo in order to discuss the creation of "centers for inquiry" in several US cities. The proposal included shared use of these educational centers by Skeptics and Secular Humanists, and formal affiliation of Skeptic groups with CSICOP and Secular Humanism. According to attendees at this event, all but two Skeptic groups present declined this invitation. Skeptic group leaders felt that formal affiliation with an atheist group would cause a decline in their membership. Apparently this common feeling came as something of a surprise to some of the leaders of local Skeptic groups. Each group was aware of their own stance on issues of religion, but they were not aware that these feelings were shared widely.

In the fall of 1998, in response to an article in the Skeptical Inquirer that was anti-Christian in tone, leaders of twelve Skeptic groups, eleven in the US and one in Taiwan, organized themselves by Internet and wrote a letter protesting the inclusion of this article. The letter was signed by members of both the National Capital Area Skeptics and the Inquiring Skeptics of Upper New York. 8

Another change advocated by many Skeptics is in the choice of language used to represent skepticism to others. For instance, a phrase that has commonly appeared in articles by Skeptics and in statements in the brochures or Web sites of skeptic groups was an expression of concern about "the rising tide of irrationality." But although this phrase became an identity marker demonstrating alliance with organized skepticism and a statement of shared concern, it has increasingly been criticized by Skeptics themselves. At the NCAS Millennial Madness workshop in May 1999, Chip Denman critiqued this phrase as, perhaps, skepticism's own bit of Millennialism, asking questions such as, "What do we mean by irrationality? How is it measured? How do we know it is rising?" It seems that this phrase, as a marker of skeptical identity, may be going out of fashion.

These events are an indication to me as a researcher that Skepticism is going through changes as it grows, as we might expect in any social movement, and that local groups are beginning to discover the things they have in common. Perhaps because the movement has steadily grown and this may inspire confidence and stability, Skeptics also seem increasingly willing to critique themselves and express strong views on the ways they do and do not want skepticism to be presented to the public. This self-analysis is, of course, a good thing, for any rational endeavor should be willing to critique itself.

Creative Expression and the Rise of Moderation

Skeptics who advocate more moderate views, or more moderate language, or clearer boundaries for skeptical inquiry often must face the problem that the louder voices of confrontational Skeptics will be heard above theirs, especially when those confrontational Skeptics represent the movement at a national level in the nationally distributed journals or on television and radio. The issues are similar to the common debate about political rhetoric: mud-slinging gets attention and media coverage, so many political handlers recommend it. But, the counter argument goes, mud-slinging can backfire and besides, center-of-the-road candidates are more likely to win; providing they can make themselves heard. For Skeptics, how do those who wish to critique skepticism's more extreme expressions and have a voice in charting its future course make themselves heard? For some the answer is to turn the same kind of critiques used on the beliefs of others towards their own movement.

The ISUNY Skeptics have several members with a particular talent for satire, and they often turn that satire on skepticism itself. They are not the only Skeptics who satire skepticism, but they are especially prolific writers. Often these satires are presented by characters the group calls their "sock puppets," an Internet term for a fictional persona. For example, David Quinne, the skeptical psychic and graduate of Maharishi International University, writes an "Ask the Psychic" column in the ISUNY newsletter The Why Files. Why would a psychic become a Skeptic? David Quinne writes:

Personally, I like the uniforms best. They're jet-black with red insignia and berets. Only the officers wear them to most meetings, but we always dress up for investigations. When you show up at a haunted house in uniform, with night sticks and jackboots, people take notice! The ID is also handy when there is a long line at the store. I like flashing it and saying ``Step aside, step aside, official skeptic business here,'Ô and then buy a loaf of bread, or a stick of gum or something. You can feel the eyes burning holes in your back, but it don't bother me. We're skeptics, and you can see the jealousy. 9

Another character is Nick Cooper, an investigator for CSICAAP, the Committee for the Sensationalized Instigation of Clowns Arguing Against the Paranormal, and a skeptic who takes no prisoners. He has debunked such gullible practices as Ground Hog's Day and Swing Dancing. Cooper manages to offend just about everyone and is proud of it. Several of Nick Cooper's articles are examples of "mock rants," a genre of humor among Skeptics that frequently shows up on skeptical Internet Listservs.

The antics of David Quinne and Nick Cooper were once confined to the internal communications of the Inquiring Skeptics of Upper New York. In 1997 the two posted a jointly written article to the Skeptics Listserv debunking the a haunted house scam in Lowville, NY. To their dismay, a child in sheets faked a ghost and peeled grapes were passed off as eyeballs by the shameless perpetrators of this hoax. The article, of course, was posted on Halloween.

Since then, David Quinne, Nick Cooper, and other "sock puppet" characters have posted articles to listservs that rib Skeptics about their more extreme expressions, challenge the definition of the boundaries of skepticism, and occasionally parody skeptical rhetoric so well that it is difficult to tell from the real thing. I remember having to re-read a scathing review of the children's book "The Little Engine that Could" several times before I realized it was by Nick Cooper, and therefore a parody. It does make life for an ethnographer especially interesting when some members of a group turn out to be fictional!

Sometimes a few participants in the Skeptics listserv complain about the views expressed by these fictional Skeptics. But others seem to enjoy the humor, and may even help to keep the fiction going. Once, when one Skeptic on the list asserted that the true identity of Nick Cooper was ISUNY Skeptic and author Peter Huston, list participant David Bloomberg was quick to challenge this claim, "I've met Nick Cooper. I know Nick Cooper. Peter Huston is NO Nick Cooper!" (Skeptics Listserv, Sept. 9, 1998. Quoted with permission.). 10

Conclusion

In this short paper, I cannot possibly do justice to all the interesting adventures of these and other ISUNY fictional Skeptics. But you can explore some of them for yourself. Many of the writings of these and other characters created by members of ISUNY are available through the Web sites listed in the appendix. Please note that views expressed by investigator Nick Cooper do not represent those of the Inquiring Skeptics of Upper New York.

In his discussions of science and belief David Hufford has suggested that folklorists should examine groups that organize themselves around shared disbeliefs, as well as groups that organize themselves around beliefs. 11 In my own studies I have been frustrated by the scarcity of scholarly research on grass-roots expression of scientific enthusiasm and of disbelief in the supernatural or of cultural expressions of atheism and agnosticism. If folklorists who study belief often take up areas of belief not studied by other disciplines, than traditions of disbelief should surely be among the things we study.

Skeptics, as a group with diverse interests, have a good deal to offer folklorists as well. For those of you who may be interested in UFO's, the Condon Report, an analysis of UFOs by the University of Colorado done between 1966-1968, has been made available online by the National Capitol Area Skeptics. In addition to the article on skepticism I mentioned, the text of Mike Sofka's lecture on UFOs that examines the experiences that may lead to certain types of sightings is available on the ISUNY Web site. A resource I think many folklorists already use is the San Fernando Valley Folklore Society's Urban Legend Reference Web site at www.snopes.com which provides an extensive database of rumors and legends compiled by David and Barbara Mikkelson. There are a number of other resources available produced by Skeptics that may be of interest to folklorists working in a variety of areas. The links listed below will provide a starting point. Especially for folklorists working in areas such as folk medicine, belief, and legends, I encourage you to get to know your local Skeptics.

Appendix

Notes

1. Jamy Ian Swiss is a professional magician and a founding member of NCAS.

2. Paul Jaffe was elected president of NCAS shortly after this event, and is the currently president.

3. Mike Sofka, "Myths of Skepticism," 1996. Published on the ISUNY website listed in the appendix.(Mike Sofka is currently the president of ISUNY).

4. Kurtz's views on Secular Humanism and many of the ideas that influenced the founding of the Comittiee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal may be found in his book, In Defense of Secular Humanism, Prometheus Books, 1983.

5. Mike Sofka discusses this in "The UFOs of October: Part I," The Why Files, vol 5 #3, 1999. This article may be found on the ISUNY website listed in the appendix.

6. Marcello Truzzi, "On Pseudo-Skepticism," in the E-journal The Anomalist, reprinted from the Zetetic Scholar, #12-13, 1987 (link listed in the appendix).

7. See for example, Paul Bernhardt, "A Brief Essay on Perfect Skepticism," 1997 (link listed in the appendix).

8. The article was "Why Would People Not Believe Weird Things?" by Wayne R. Anderson, Skeptical Inquirer, vol. 22 #5 October-November 1998, pp. 42-45. The letter to the editor was published in Skeptical Inquirer vol. 23 #1, January- February 1999, p. 64.

9. Excerpted from David Quinne's "Ask the Psychic" Column in The Why Files, vol. 5, #2, 1999 (available from the link to the ISUNY Web site listed in the appendix).

10. The ISUNY "sock puppets," Nick Cooper and David Quinne, are operated by more than one "puppeteer." Peter Huston has placed some of his contibutions to the Nick Cooper cannon on his Web site, listed in the appendix.

11. See David Hufford, "The Supernatural and the Sociology of Knowledge: Explaining Academic Belief," New York Folklore, vol. 9 no. 3-4, Summer 1983, 21-29; and "Traditions of Disbelief," New York Folklore, vol. 8 no. 3-4, Winter 1982, 47-55.

 

Newfolk :: NDiF :: Archive :: Issue 4.1 :: Page 1 :: Appendix