New Directions in Folklore 4.2 October, 2000
Newfolk :: NDiF :: Archive :: Issue 4.2 :: Page 1

Pilgrimage as Performance: Ste. Ann de Beaupre1

Lydia Fish

Anthropology Department
Buffalo State College

Pilgrimage, like the urban legend and the traditional material transmitted by means of the office copying machine, is a folklore genre which is flourishing in the modern world; according to Victor Turner, the number of pilgrims at the world's major shrines is still increasing. However, unlike these forms, pilgrimage is not usually regarded as a performance genre.

Between 1970 and 1980 I observed pilgrim behavior at local shrines in Buffalo and on the Niagara Frontier and in the summer of 1981 I spent two weeks at the shrine of St. Anne at Beaupre in Quebec. It became become increasingly obvious to me that pilgrims are very aware of their performance, that they learn to be pilgrims, and may acquire a greater or lesser degree of skill in this role. Some people reach a level which can only be described as professional; others, as David Hufford as pointed out, never really learn to be pilgrims. While I certainly do not quarrel with Victor and Edith Turner's brilliant analysis of pilgrimage as communitas and flow experience, I feel that they have overlooked certain very self-conscious aspects of pilgrimage behavior. (Turner 1995)

When I visited shrines at Buffalo, Lewiston, Lackawanna, Montreal and Beaupre, I did so primarily as a photographer; that is, I was essentially concerned with what people were doing. I suspect that I was, in this manner, able to observe some behavior which I probably would not have picked up in interviews. For example, in the summer of 1981 a young Nigerian priest who was working on his doctoral dissertation in anthropology at Catholic University was interviewing pilgrims about their activities during their visit to the shrine at Beaupre.

I had noticed that some people bathed afflicted parts of their bodies at "St. Anne's spring," where there were faucets for people to fill little holy water bottles, though the water supposedly has no special healing powers. When I asked Fr. Umoren about this, he said that no one had mentioned the custom to him at all. I also asked one of the Redemptorist fathers who look after the shrine and was told that he had never heard of the custom either. It is not mentioned in any of the guidebooks available at the shrine and thus may be described as an "unofficial" devotional practice which a pilgrim may learn only by observing other pilgrims or by bringing the practice with him from some other shrine.

What then, do pilgrims do at Beaupre, at the shrine of Our Lady Help of Christians in Buffalo, at the Basilica of Our Lady of Victory in Lackawanna, or at St. Joseph's Oratory in Montreal? And how do they learn these appropriate ways of behaving?

They may, of course, take part in the communal devotions of the shrine. The guide which is published for visitors to the shrine of St. Anne suggests attendance at Mass, which is celebrated many times each day, stations of the Cross, the rosary devotions, and the candlelight procession, which is held every night during the summer. On the day of the feast of St. Anne, there is a solemn blessing of the sick. Other shrines have special communal activities on the days of their patronal feasts. At the shrine of Our Lady Help of Christians in Buffalo there is a service of Benediction, followed by a Sacrament procession, on August 15, the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin, and, at the shrine of Our Lady of Fatima in Lewiston, a similar procession takes place, followed by the crowning of a gigantic statue of the Virgin on the roof of the shrine.

At the Basilica of Our Lady of Victory in Lackawanna there was for many years a procession to the grave of Father Baker on the anniversary of his death followed by a grave side prayer service. Nelson Baker, the builder of the church, is considered is considered to be a local saint.2 All of these are more or less standard Roman Catholic practices, which could be learned almost anywhere; in fact I believe that most pilgrims "practice" at local shrines before setting forth on a pilgrimage to one of the major shrines.

Victor Turner has pointed out that the post-Tridentine pilgrimages have, almost from the beginning, been deeply involved with mass technological and scientific culture. Most of the major shrines publish papers, journals, or annuals to which the faithful can submit accounts of cures and of their own experiences as pilgrims. Thus a subscriber to the Annals published by the shrine of St. Anne at Beaupre can learn that the application of oil from the lamps which burn in the basilica there can be efficacious and that the drinking of water brought from St. Anne's Spring has accomplished many wonders.

The songs sung during the candlelight processions are printed on the paper shades which are supplied with the candles sold for use by the pilgrims and it only takes one evening procession at Beaupre to learn that everyone raises his or her candle during the singing of the Magnificat in the church afterwards. The blessing of the sick on the feast of St. Anne (July 26) is shown every year on Canadian television, thus spreading the knowledge of the practices of the shrine throughout the country.

From material in the archives of the Canadian National Film Board, it seems that the feast was regularly featured in newsreels in the pre-television era. Thus, not only Catholic, but also Protestant Canadians know what to expect when they visit the shrine. (It is almost impossible to separate the tourists from the pilgrims at any major shrine--Victor Turner has raised the fascinating question of "closet pilgrims," which should certainly be pursued.)

Of course, many of the devotions practiced at the shrine are private. Although there are communal stations of the Cross, most people go around them by themselves or in family groups and most pilgrims find a favorite place to pray--which is often in front of St. Anne's statue or the shrine containing her relic, or in the grounds of the church. One form of devotional one-upsmanship is finding of a more exclusive celebration of the Mass. During the days of the novena at Beaupre (July 17 through 26) there are almost hourly celebrations of the Mass at the main altar of the basilica, but many pilgrims prefer to wait at one of the chapels in the ambulatory behind the main altar until a priest arrives to say his daily Mass so they can take part in an almost private service.

In the post-consiliar Roman Catholic Church priests are no longer obligated to celebrate Mass every day. However, older and more conservative priests, of whom there are many to be found at Beaupre, often still adhere to the former custom. Another form of this practice involves attending Mass at the Franciscan convent on the hill above the main church or, even more esoteric and difficult to reach, the little church of the cloistered Redemptoristine sisters. Once the pilgrim learns the Mass schedule of the various churches, it is easy to figure out which ones will be least attended. Even in these private devotions there is a certain element of mass media--for example, one can purchase a little booklet of prayers to say at the various stations of the Cross. This is, of course, a very common Catholic devotion, and the pilgrim may already know the appropriate prayers.

The approach to the church on one's knees is known at many shrines, but the Scala Sancta at Beaupre may be less familiar to pilgrims. This is a flight of 28 steps, copied from a set in the chapel of the old Lateran palace, which are thought to be those from Pilate's praetorium, brought to Rome by St. Helena, that indefatigable collector of large-scale relics. There are copies in various places, including Lourdes and some convents; the ones at Beaupre, an extremely graceful piece of carpenter's work with relics set into each stair, are housed in a special building. Pilgrims ascend the staircase, often on their knees, pausing on each stair to say a prayer. Just in case the pilgrim is not familiar with this devotional practice, little books on sale at the entrance explain the meaning of the stairs and suggest appropriate prayers.

Other private devotional practices can be learned simply from observation. Pilgrims often leave little offerings such as flowers or rosaries on statues. This is usually accelerated on feast days, when, for example, the marble angels which stand at the foot of the statue of St. Anne in the transept of the church are completely buried in flowers, scarves, jewelry and rosaries. Notes are left, giving thanks for favors or requesting them, as well as holy cards and pictures of loved ones for whom petitions are made. Bottles of medicine are left, although it is difficult to know if these are requests for a cure or in token of one which has taken place, and sometimes crutches or braces. These are later prominently displayed on pillars near the entrance of the church, as evidence of the cures which have taken place there.

In some pilgrim groups, the indoctrination is quite formal. There are many travel agencies in the United States which specialize in the transportation of pilgrims. These groups often recite the rosary or sing hymns during the journey and novices are quickly initiated into the legends and customs of the shrine by more experienced pilgrims. The Ahearn Pilgrimage, which brings over one hundred severely handicapped pilgrims to Beaupre every summer with the help of a highly efficient team of young aides, wheels its chair bound and bedridden pilgrims to Mass and rosary devotions with a degree of organization which would be the envy of the U.S. Marine Corps--anyone not actually on his or her deathbed is expected to be present.

Why is the pilgrim a performer? This is hard to answer, and it is, of course, awkward to interview pilgrims and ask them directly why it is important to perform well. Probably the most important reason is that the pilgrim who has journeyed ad liminam is very conscious of being in a holy place and is thus anxious to be on his or her best religious behavior. Also, there is a widespread folk belief, completely contrary to all theology, that a pilgrim who "does everything right" is more likely to be granted the favor which he seeks.

Although the doctrine of indulgences has been soft-pedaled in the post-consiliar era, most pilgrimages do have indulgences attached to them and this has probably strengthened the folk belief that a skilled performance as a pilgrim is desirable, since in order for an indulgence to be granted, certain criteria to have to be met. For example, the Stations of the Cross must not be interrupted for more than a few moments, except to say confession or hear Mass. However, if one is not able to finish the Stations, one may receive a partial indulgence for each station which was completed.

Some pilgrims are also very conscious of their audience. At Beaupre prayers are constantly offered for the sick. Pilgrims who are bedridden or confined to wheelchairs are lined up between the first rows of pews and the altar rail during services and are very conspicuously in view of the congregation. These pilgrims are also placed in the roped-off center of the church square, anointed, and blessed by the archbishop with the Sacrament during the blessing of the sick, which is the high point of the feast of St. Anne. Many visitors to the shrine attend the rosary devotions held in the grounds of the basilica each day during the novena before the feast for the handicapped pilgrims of the Ahearn Pilgrimage. The blessing of the sick is covered each year by all major Canadian television stations

Because so much attention is focused on them, it is natural that the pilgrims want to make a good impression. One bedridden women, whom I observed over the period of the novena and feast, followed each service with rapt attention and at the consecration would raise her hands in the charismatic gesture of prayer, which obviously involved great effort for her. She did the same thing during the singing of the Magnificat which closes the services after the nightly candlelight processions. However, on the day of the feast, she made a truly heroic effort and raised herself almost to a sitting position during the consecration at the Mass and during the blessing of the sick, thus creating such a dramatic effect that many spectators who were not familiar with her thought they were witnessing a miracle, since these are usually expected to take place at these times. The aides attached to the Ahearn Pilgrimage joke a little about her and say that some year they expect her to levitate; obviously this is a performance which she has perfected over the years.

Some pilgrims also represent ethnic or other organizations. Each group which regularly visits Beaupre has its own banner which is kept in the basilica and carried in processions by the members on the occasions of its visits to the shrine. I have noticed that people tend to be especially ceremonious in their manner when they are walking in procession behind their banner. In these days of ethnic consciousness many shrines have scheduled days when they are visited by pilgrims from one ethnic group and special devotions may take place. These occur throughout the year at Beaupre, but the most spectacular examples are the Indians and the Gypsies, who arrive for the days of the feast.

The Indians, who often wear tribal dress, have a special Mass said for them on the day of the feast. The Gypsies, except for the very wealthy ones who stay at the Quebec Hilton, camp across the road from the grounds of the basilica. They decorate tables elaborately with pictures and statues of St. Anne and paschal candles dedicated to her which are also carried in the candlelight procession on the eve of the feast, roast a large number of lambs and give a feast for all the pilgrims who care to join them. They are also permitted to carry out their own customs in the basilica. For example, they bring magnificent floral offerings, which they place at the foot of the statue of St. Anne or on the reliquary altar and after the last service on the eve of the feast they swarm into the sanctuary, where it is normally clear that the laity are not encouraged to go, and cover the high altar with flowers.

Other pilgrims are delighted with these tributes and for days before the feast I was told, "Just wait until the Gypsies get here!" Both the Indians and the Gypsies are very conscious of the image of their respective groups; the Indians wear their tribal dress with great pride and the Gypsies are usually very fashionably dressed, with truly magnificent jewelry.

Thus, at least for some pilgrims, there are certain elements of performance in their customary behavior during a pilgrimage. These traditions can be learned in a family context; many couples spend their honeymoon at Beaupre and return later with their children. I met some families who come every year. Very few pilgrims visit only one shrine in the course of their lifetimes, so the customs can also be learned by observation, both at other shrines and at the pilgrimage place. More or less formal instruction, both by means of print and by taking part in an organized and established pilgrimage group, is another source. No matter how these traditions are learned, they are always practiced in public, whether or not the pilgrim is conscious of his or her audience, and are often polished and perfected over the course of years.

Notes

1. I made the pilgrimage to Beaupre in the summer of 1981 with Dave Hufford and his family and Ken Goldstein. A visit to the websites dealing with the shrine would tend to show that things have not changed all that much. David Hufford's excellent article, "Ste. Anne de Beaupre: Roman Catholic Pilgrimage and Healing," (Western Folklore 1985 44:3, 194-207) should be read in conjunction with my article.

2. For a discussion of Father Baker, see my article "Father Baker: Legends of a Saint in Buffalo" (New York Folklore 1984 Summer-Fall 10:3-4, 23-330). For descriptions of other popular devotions on the Niagara Frontier see my articles "Ethnicity and Catholicism" (New York Folklore 1982 Winter 8:3-4, 83-92) and "Roman Catholicism as Folk Religion in Buffalo" (Indiana Folklore 1976 9, 165-174).

Works Cited

Turner, Victor and Edith B. Turner. 1995 (revised edition). Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture. New York: Columbia University Press

Newfolk :: NDiF :: Archive :: Issue 4.2 :: Page 1