Pilgrimage as Performance: Ste. Ann de Beaupre1
Lydia Fish
Anthropology Department Buffalo State College
Pilgrimage, like the urban legend and the traditional material transmitted by means
of the office copying machine, is a folklore genre which is flourishing in the
modern world; according to Victor Turner, the number of pilgrims at the world's
major shrines is still increasing. However, unlike these forms, pilgrimage is not
usually regarded as a performance genre.
Between 1970 and 1980 I observed pilgrim behavior at local shrines in Buffalo and
on the Niagara Frontier and in the summer of 1981 I spent two weeks at the
shrine of St. Anne at Beaupre in Quebec. It became become increasingly obvious
to me that pilgrims are very aware of their performance, that they learn to be
pilgrims, and may acquire a greater or lesser degree of skill in this role. Some
people reach a level which can only be described as professional; others, as David
Hufford as pointed out, never really learn to be pilgrims. While I certainly do not
quarrel with Victor and Edith Turner's brilliant analysis of pilgrimage as
communitas and flow experience, I feel that they have overlooked certain very
self-conscious aspects of pilgrimage behavior. (Turner 1995)
When I visited shrines at Buffalo, Lewiston, Lackawanna, Montreal and Beaupre,
I did so primarily as a photographer; that is, I was essentially concerned with
what people were doing. I suspect that I was, in this manner, able to observe
some behavior which I probably would not have picked up in interviews. For
example, in the summer of 1981 a young Nigerian priest who was working on his
doctoral dissertation in anthropology at Catholic University was interviewing
pilgrims about their activities during their visit to the shrine at Beaupre.
I had noticed that some people bathed afflicted parts of their bodies at "St. Anne's
spring," where there were faucets for people to fill little holy water bottles, though
the water supposedly has no special healing powers. When I asked Fr. Umoren
about this, he said that no one had mentioned the custom to him at all. I also
asked one of the Redemptorist fathers who look after the shrine and was told that
he had never heard of the custom either. It is not mentioned in any of the
guidebooks available at the shrine and thus may be described as an "unofficial"
devotional practice which a pilgrim may learn only by observing other pilgrims or
by bringing the practice with him from some other shrine.
What then, do pilgrims do at Beaupre, at the shrine of Our Lady Help of
Christians in Buffalo, at the Basilica of Our Lady of Victory in Lackawanna, or at
St. Joseph's Oratory in Montreal? And how do they learn these appropriate ways
of behaving?
They may, of course, take part in the communal devotions of the shrine. The
guide which is published for visitors to the shrine of St. Anne suggests attendance
at Mass, which is celebrated many times each day, stations of the Cross, the
rosary devotions, and the candlelight procession, which is held every night during
the summer. On the day of the feast of St. Anne, there is a solemn blessing of
the sick. Other shrines have special communal activities on the days of their
patronal feasts. At the shrine of Our Lady Help of Christians in Buffalo there is a
service of Benediction, followed by a Sacrament procession, on August 15, the
feast of the Assumption of the Virgin, and, at the shrine of Our Lady of Fatima in
Lewiston, a similar procession takes place, followed by the crowning of a gigantic
statue of the Virgin on the roof of the shrine.
At the Basilica of Our Lady of Victory in Lackawanna there was for many years a
procession to the grave of Father Baker on the anniversary of his death followed
by a grave side prayer service. Nelson Baker, the builder of the church, is
considered is considered to be a local saint.2 All of these are more or less
standard Roman Catholic practices, which could be learned almost anywhere; in
fact I believe that most pilgrims "practice" at local shrines before setting forth on a
pilgrimage to one of the major shrines.
Victor Turner has pointed out that the post-Tridentine pilgrimages have, almost
from the beginning, been deeply involved with mass technological and scientific
culture. Most of the major shrines publish papers, journals, or annuals to which
the faithful can submit accounts of cures and of their own experiences as
pilgrims. Thus a subscriber to the Annals published by the shrine of St. Anne at
Beaupre can learn that the application of oil from the lamps which burn in the
basilica there can be efficacious and that the drinking of water brought from St.
Anne's Spring has accomplished many wonders.
The songs sung during the candlelight processions are printed on the paper shades
which are supplied with the candles sold for use by the pilgrims and it only takes
one evening procession at Beaupre to learn that everyone raises his or her candle
during the singing of the Magnificat in the church afterwards. The blessing of the
sick on the feast of St. Anne (July 26) is shown every year on Canadian television,
thus spreading the knowledge of the practices of the shrine throughout the
country.
From material in the archives of the Canadian National Film Board, it seems that
the feast was regularly featured in newsreels in the pre-television era. Thus, not
only Catholic, but also Protestant Canadians know what to expect when they visit
the shrine. (It is almost impossible to separate the tourists from the pilgrims at
any major shrine--Victor Turner has raised the fascinating question of "closet
pilgrims," which should certainly be pursued.)
Of course, many of the devotions practiced at the shrine are private. Although
there are communal stations of the Cross, most people go around them by
themselves or in family groups and most pilgrims find a favorite place to
pray--which is often in front of St. Anne's statue or the shrine containing her relic,
or in the grounds of the church. One form of devotional one-upsmanship is
finding of a more exclusive celebration of the Mass. During the days of the
novena at Beaupre (July 17 through 26) there are almost hourly celebrations of the
Mass at the main altar of the basilica, but many pilgrims prefer to wait at one of
the chapels in the ambulatory behind the main altar until a priest arrives to say his
daily Mass so they can take part in an almost private service.
In the post-consiliar Roman Catholic Church priests are no longer obligated to
celebrate Mass every day. However, older and more conservative priests, of
whom there are many to be found at Beaupre, often still adhere to the former
custom. Another form of this practice involves attending Mass at the Franciscan
convent on the hill above the main church or, even more esoteric and difficult to
reach, the little church of the cloistered Redemptoristine sisters. Once the pilgrim
learns the Mass schedule of the various churches, it is easy to figure out which
ones will be least attended. Even in these private devotions there is a certain
element of mass media--for example, one can purchase a little booklet of prayers
to say at the various stations of the Cross. This is, of course, a very common
Catholic devotion, and the pilgrim may already know the appropriate prayers.
The approach to the church on one's knees is known at many shrines, but the
Scala Sancta at Beaupre may be less familiar to pilgrims. This is a flight of 28
steps, copied from a set in the chapel of the old Lateran palace, which are thought
to be those from Pilate's praetorium, brought to Rome by St. Helena, that
indefatigable collector of large-scale relics. There are copies in various places,
including Lourdes and some convents; the ones at Beaupre, an extremely graceful
piece of carpenter's work with relics set into each stair, are housed in a special
building. Pilgrims ascend the staircase, often on their knees, pausing on each stair
to say a prayer. Just in case the pilgrim is not familiar with this devotional
practice, little books on sale at the entrance explain the meaning of the stairs and
suggest appropriate prayers.
Other private devotional practices can be learned simply from observation.
Pilgrims often leave little offerings such as flowers or rosaries on statues. This is
usually accelerated on feast days, when, for example, the marble angels which
stand at the foot of the statue of St. Anne in the transept of the church are
completely buried in flowers, scarves, jewelry and rosaries. Notes are left, giving
thanks for favors or requesting them, as well as holy cards and pictures of loved
ones for whom petitions are made. Bottles of medicine are left, although it is
difficult to know if these are requests for a cure or in token of one which has
taken place, and sometimes crutches or braces. These are later prominently
displayed on pillars near the entrance of the church, as evidence of the cures
which have taken place there.
In some pilgrim groups, the indoctrination is quite formal. There are many travel
agencies in the United States which specialize in the transportation of pilgrims.
These groups often recite the rosary or sing hymns during the journey and
novices are quickly initiated into the legends and customs of the shrine by more
experienced pilgrims. The Ahearn Pilgrimage, which brings over one hundred
severely handicapped pilgrims to Beaupre every summer with the help of a highly
efficient team of young aides, wheels its chair bound and bedridden pilgrims to
Mass and rosary devotions with a degree of organization which would be the envy
of the U.S. Marine Corps--anyone not actually on his or her deathbed is expected
to be present.
Why is the pilgrim a performer? This is hard to answer, and it is, of course,
awkward to interview pilgrims and ask them directly why it is important to
perform well. Probably the most important reason is that the pilgrim who has
journeyed ad liminam is very conscious of being in a holy place and is thus
anxious to be on his or her best religious behavior. Also, there is a widespread
folk belief, completely contrary to all theology, that a pilgrim who "does
everything right" is more likely to be granted the favor which he seeks.
Although the doctrine of indulgences has been soft-pedaled in the post-consiliar
era, most pilgrimages do have indulgences attached to them and this has probably
strengthened the folk belief that a skilled performance as a pilgrim is desirable,
since in order for an indulgence to be granted, certain criteria to have to be met.
For example, the Stations of the Cross must not be interrupted for more than a
few moments, except to say confession or hear Mass. However, if one is not able
to finish the Stations, one may receive a partial indulgence for each station which
was completed.
Some pilgrims are also very conscious of their audience. At Beaupre prayers are
constantly offered for the sick. Pilgrims who are bedridden or confined to
wheelchairs are lined up between the first rows of pews and the altar rail during
services and are very conspicuously in view of the congregation. These pilgrims
are also placed in the roped-off center of the church square, anointed, and blessed
by the archbishop with the Sacrament during the blessing of the sick, which is the
high point of the feast of St. Anne. Many visitors to the shrine attend the rosary
devotions held in the grounds of the basilica each day during the novena before the
feast for the handicapped pilgrims of the Ahearn Pilgrimage. The blessing of the
sick is covered each year by all major Canadian television stations
Because so much attention is focused on them, it is natural that the pilgrims want
to make a good impression. One bedridden women, whom I observed over the
period of the novena and feast, followed each service with rapt attention and at the
consecration would raise her hands in the charismatic gesture of prayer, which
obviously involved great effort for her. She did the same thing during the singing
of the Magnificat which closes the services after the nightly candlelight
processions. However, on the day of the feast, she made a truly heroic effort and
raised herself almost to a sitting position during the consecration at the Mass and
during the blessing of the sick, thus creating such a dramatic effect that many
spectators who were not familiar with her thought they were witnessing a miracle,
since these are usually expected to take place at these times. The aides attached to
the Ahearn Pilgrimage joke a little about her and say that some year they expect
her to levitate; obviously this is a performance which she has perfected over the
years.
Some pilgrims also represent ethnic or other organizations. Each group which
regularly visits Beaupre has its own banner which is kept in the basilica and
carried in processions by the members on the occasions of its visits to the shrine.
I have noticed that people tend to be especially ceremonious in their manner when
they are walking in procession behind their banner. In these days of ethnic
consciousness many shrines have scheduled days when they are visited by
pilgrims from one ethnic group and special devotions may take place. These
occur throughout the year at Beaupre, but the most spectacular examples are the
Indians and the Gypsies, who arrive for the days of the feast.
The Indians, who often wear tribal dress, have a special Mass said for them on
the day of the feast. The Gypsies, except for the very wealthy ones who stay at
the Quebec Hilton, camp across the road from the grounds of the basilica. They
decorate tables elaborately with pictures and statues of St. Anne and paschal
candles dedicated to her which are also carried in the candlelight procession on the
eve of the feast, roast a large number of lambs and give a feast for all the pilgrims
who care to join them. They are also permitted to carry out their own customs in
the basilica. For example, they bring magnificent floral offerings, which they
place at the foot of the statue of St. Anne or on the reliquary altar and after the last
service on the eve of the feast they swarm into the sanctuary, where it is normally
clear that the laity are not encouraged to go, and cover the high altar with flowers.
Other pilgrims are delighted with these tributes and for days before the feast I was
told, "Just wait until the Gypsies get here!" Both the Indians and the Gypsies are
very conscious of the image of their respective groups; the Indians wear their
tribal dress with great pride and the Gypsies are usually very fashionably dressed,
with truly magnificent jewelry.
Thus, at least for some pilgrims, there are certain elements of performance in
their customary behavior during a pilgrimage. These traditions can be learned in a
family context; many couples spend their honeymoon at Beaupre and return later
with their children. I met some families who come every year. Very few pilgrims
visit only one shrine in the course of their lifetimes, so the customs can also be
learned by observation, both at other shrines and at the pilgrimage place. More or
less formal instruction, both by means of print and by taking part in an organized
and established pilgrimage group, is another source. No matter how these
traditions are learned, they are always practiced in public, whether or not the
pilgrim is conscious of his or her audience, and are often polished and perfected
over the course of years.
Notes
1. I made the pilgrimage to Beaupre in the summer of 1981 with Dave Hufford and his family and Ken Goldstein. A visit to the websites dealing with the shrine
would tend to show that things have not changed all that much. David Hufford's
excellent article, "Ste. Anne de Beaupre: Roman Catholic Pilgrimage and Healing,"
(Western Folklore 1985 44:3, 194-207) should be read in conjunction with my
article.
2. For a discussion of Father Baker, see my article "Father Baker: Legends of a
Saint in Buffalo" (New York Folklore 1984 Summer-Fall 10:3-4, 23-330). For
descriptions of other popular devotions on the Niagara Frontier see my articles
"Ethnicity and Catholicism" (New York Folklore 1982 Winter 8:3-4, 83-92) and
"Roman Catholicism as Folk Religion in Buffalo" (Indiana Folklore 1976 9,
165-174).
Works Cited
Turner, Victor and Edith B. Turner. 1995 (revised edition). Image and
Pilgrimage in Christian Culture. New York: Columbia University Press
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